1.1. Malocas the traditional community house

Traditional knowledge is an essential component in the daily lives of millions of people in developing countries (Rengifo, 2017); indigenous communities have used traditional knowledge for centuries, under their local laws, customs and traditions, which have been passed down from generation to generation. This traditional knowledge plays an important role in vital areas such as food security, agricultural development and medicinal treatments (Correa 2001).

The role of ethnobotany lies in understanding traditional wisdom and its worldview and how it can characterize and contribute in a process of sustainable and sustainable development for tourism in the area, and on the other hand that cultures that nourish knowledge to the ethnosciences are continually and increasingly disappearing, in particular because of the loss of their habitat, and also because of the poverty and misery in which they are plunged by "enhancement, which pushes them to convert their own way or disappear. (Rengifo, 2017).

The knowledge of indigenous and local communities, are a dynamic accumulation, are collective heritage, they are an organized system of research and discoveries, with ancient experiences of practicing, looking, learning, testing, assuming and transforming that reality (Escobar Berón 2002).

One of the contributions of ancestral knowledge is traditional medicine, which is a set of knowledge and practices, which are based on the ancestral medical knowledge of a population. (Quilanqueo, 2007). It is a practice that is transmitted by family or community tradition, which has its own health workers and their specific ideas about disease and healing. It is the knowledge of the people (folklore) that can be identified in the fields and cities of the Amazon (Star 1995).

In Latin America, the use of animals also represents an alternative to official medical practices in rural areas and has also become part of urban folk medicine. (Karkras, 2015) At least 584 animals have been reported to be used for medicinal purposes in Latin America, underlining their importance as a therapeutic alternative in the region (Alves & Alves 2011).

In Ecuador it goes through an important transition process proposing to implement a new paradigm of life that implies a fork within modern capitalist development: Good Living, or even more specific in the Quichua ancestral language, Sumak Kawsay. Although it is in the proposal given by the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE) to the Constituent Assembly, these concepts were proposed as follows: "A moment of deep hope for the country's majorities that we fight for the construction of a post-capitalist and post-colonial society, a society that promotes 'Good Living' passed down from generation to generation by our ancient taitas and breasts, a society that recovers the teachings of ancestral peoples and can live in harmony with our Pacha Mama" (CONAIE, 2007:1).

Figure 1. Sumak Kawsay paradigm

Pastaza, a province that cradles various nationalities is one of the provinces with the most natural and cultural wealth within Ecuador, where peoples possess and practice rituals with materials from their natural environment taking advantage of what the land has given them and making this is a survival material.

The canton of Pastaza characterized by having greater tourist influx has been part of the development of the Shuar culture in terms of ancestral medicine so it has seen to reach their own and strangers in search of a cure for the ills that afflict them finding in the most of the occasions satisfaction not only for being purely natural products but by being made by their own sages who have obtained their knowledge over the years by their ancestors and leave their legacy in history for the next generations, which are at risk of disappearing if these ethnobotanical knowledge does not transcend

This article , record and disseminate the ethno-knowledge related to the use and management of natural flora resources in the built of ancestral houses of Shuar indigenous community in the province of Pastaza to the northeast of Ecuador. This work is the first input of data related to the popular use of plants, and the use of those plants in the built of malocas or ancestral houses for the community in the Ecuadorian Amazon as well as the conservation of the traditional native construction with the use of material from the area for tourist use.

1.1. Nature of indigenous knowledge and scientific heritage

First, you need to define what some knowledge is. To this end, the conception of knowledge about education developed by (Savater, 1997) seems appropriate. This author conceives of knowing how the ability to learn... and concludes that: any well-designed teaching plan must take priority this knowledge that never ends and that enables all others, closed and open, [i.e. strictly functional or complex], are those immediately useful in the short term or are the seekers of excellence that is never satisfied." (Alexandies, 2012).

This conception of knowledge opens the door by knowing how to innovate in the current context of globalization. (Alves, 2012). Thus, this broad, more humane definition of the concept of knowledge provides a basis for exploring the knowledge that is available to indigenous knowledge, on the one hand, and of the knowledge of Western cultural heritage, on the other.

In terms of the interaction between the scientific model and traditional indigenous knowledge in teacher training, the main obstacle is the most analytical characteristic of the scientific model, while traditional indigenous knowledge is considered more comprehensive. (Percelle, 1992). This situation occurs in the context of the current paradigm of an increasingly specialized education that wants to respond to the context of social and economic life of the 21st century, which tends towards a uniformization of standards according to the models of economically developed countries and which reserves, for this fact, little space for the cultural and social expressions of indigenous peoples. So what is the nature of indigenous knowledge? (Friedberg, 1999) calls indigenous knowledge and knowledge popular knowledge. These knowledges are constituted by a body of knowledge about nature with regard to the conceptions that each society has of the world and the role that people play. (Bajak, 2014). For example, the nature of such knowledge, which encompasses "from observing the migration pathways of animals, the movement of the sun and winds to the observation of plant germination conditions is mixed with ritualized social practices that ensure their effectiveness". Located in time and space, "popular knowledge is maintained in technical and also social practices and their effectiveness depends on the relationships between the people involved" (Friedberg, 1999, p. 9). It's not about static knowledge, it's about knowing that they're built according to context modifications. In relation to the above, Kusch argues that "knowledge is not that of a reality built by objects, but full of movements or attacks", (Chuecas, 2003)

Authors such as (Correa, 2001), (Chavez, 2013), recognize the existence of several indigenous knowledge systems rooted mainly in understanding, through general narratives or narratives. According to the study of these authors it is understood that indigenous knowledge is holistic, subjective and experiential. However, its particular characteristics are not recognized by Western science, since the absence of method is questioned despite the consideration of indigenous knowledge as equal from the ethical level. However, from the indigenous perspective it is observed that the discourse, on knowledge and knowledge of its own, articulates a coincidental vision of its social reality built of socio-historical objects and facts. At the same time, it is cautioned that they are turning to knowledge and knowledge regarding the history of the formation of ancestral knowledge, using the vernacular, to understand and explain the knowledge systems they use, or at least some of their main aspects.

In relation to Western culture it is also necessary to bear in mind the perception of some authors regarding the subject of the West and its culture. For (Geertz, 1996), for example, at a time not too far away, the concept of culture was firm and defined, since the West was much more confident about what it was and what it was not. For Simard (1988), on the other hand, the origin of the problems of interaction between members of a Western culture with an indigenous culture, is the West, particularly in aspects such as: "his" objective science, "his" literature of incertitude, "his" assumptions universal values. However, the West cannot be attributed only to responsibility for all the changes that destabilize and cause the disintegration of the integrity of indigenous cultures. Western culture is first and foremost a framework for examining, defending or criticizing any kind of value, idea, conviction or norm of conduct.

1.2. Heritage of ancestral knowledge

Foucault (1997) proposes that in order for there to be a discourse that meets experi mental or formal criteria of scientific, knowledge must be defined as "what can be talked about in a discursive practice, specifically as the field that is consisting of different objects that will or will not acquire a scientific statute" (FOUCAULT, 1997, p. 306). According to this author, there is no knowing without a defined discursive practice. These knowledges are based on a set of reductionist, objective and positive postulates that underpin and guarantee validity. Knowledge of the various fields of study, such as that of the sciences of education, is part of this category. What, then, is it with the interaction between scientific knowledge and indigenous knowledge?

For this purpose and under another angle, Lyotard (1994) describes that scientific knowledge is not all knowledge, since it has always been on leave, in competition, in conflict with another type of knowledge that, to simplify, this author calls it narrative knowledge. Knowing the types of indigenous knowledge, one can understand that one's existence is no more necessary than that of the other. Both scientific knowledge and narrative knowledge have statements and rules of their own, since according to Lyotard (1994, p. 55) "the existence and value of the narrative cannot therefore be considered from the scientific, nor the other way around. Therefore, the relevant criteria are not the same in one as in the other." Thus, indigenous narrative knowledge, oriented towards the understanding of life and human relations, are characterized by a traditional form of thought organized according to an intuitive relationship of man-society and man-nature, which predominate mainly in the family and in the community. The scientific, for its part, consists in the elaboration of hypotheses and theories within the framework of a discursive practice.

The characteristic presented in the interaction between members of indigenous cultures with members of Western culture is the coexistence of the two styles of thought. This can be evidenced, for example, among Mapuches: culture and self-thinking predominates in the family and in the community, while Western thinking prevails at school and at work. It can then be hypothesized that analytical thinking can inhibit or suppress indigenous thinking. In such a case, it can be undescribed whether it is possible, unlike the previous hypothesis, that both styles of thought are enhanced and beneficial to the individual. In this regard, it can be noted that in the case of Mapuche communities, traditional knowledge, based on the relationship of man-society, man-nature and man-spiritual forces, carries a corpus of knowledge that is maintained in social memory as a logic of his own thought that has developed through oral expression (Quilaqueo, 2005).

Area: The Shuar indigenous community is located in the province of Pastaza (near the Amazon River), northwest of the Ecuadorian Amazon.

This community is inhabited by families belonging to the Shuar indigenous people, people whose language has been classified within the ethnolinguistic family of the same name. The community still retains its mother tongue, as well as its myths, legends, customs and folklore. The Shuar community is registered in the records of native communities in Ecuador.

Method: The research was carried out in 2019, the entrance to the study area (community) was carried out on three occasions, each lasted seven days, and in all the activities with active participation of the settlers and tourists who viewed the Area.

The process of recovering knowledge and obtaining data in the community, both natives and tourists was initially carried out with the visit to the authorities, where they were exposed to our objective and requested their authorization to carry out the research and activities. Data was obtained through a survey using validated semi-structured questionnaires in which they supplemented the information, applied to adult men and women familiar with the flora existing in the area.

The species were identified by the inhabitants by visual support, with the help of sheets with figures of Amazonian plants and animals. The following references were used as guides: (Martin, 2009). The inhabitants indicated the uses of the species, and their categorization was carried out according to these uses.

Subsequently, the collected data was analyzed and systematized. The identification process for plant species was by on-site identification as well as on-site surveys. The methodology that was developed leads to the architectural blueprint as an aesthetic and plastic experimentation based on the ancestral knowledge of Shuar construction and worldview.

Ancestral architecture understood through an analysis of the site and its customs, materials and traditional geometric forms, in a search for how these can evolve into a contemporary design without losing the essence of the place that has been used, takes us there: The project workshop one 3rd semester of the Technical University of Ambato, this workshop has developed 4 methodological pillars and they are:

· Site analysis: The place of implantation gives us strengths to propose the best location of the architectural object, this place transmits the potentialities and abstract reasoning that configure a space. In the words of (Gallardo, 2014) analyzing the place in depth is necessary. The place also assigns ancestral requirements such as being near a river, being in an open clearing, being in a hierarchical position within habitable buildings

· Location: Placing according to the 4 cardinal points is fundamental, since the sun rises and dies marking the route, this route organizes the orientation of the architectural object in a central way, the location also responds to a hierarchical condition, this is understood as the focus or the axis that articulates the spiritual life, the transmission of knowledge and practice of the ayahuasca ritual, in the words of (Valbuena, Castro, 2015) the maloca or “jéa”, is built from the constructivist vision of learning, this means that: culture is built from the object, since the object in this architectural case makes present the practices of the worldview and ritual ways of life of the community.

· Architectural The strategies are based on an absolute understanding of the worldview and the why of things, that is why its fundamental structure 4 pillars, are the connectors with the earth and air, with nature and the man.

· Material: Materiality consists in developing the project with respect for the environment and thereby attacking nature as little as possible, since the use of materials from the area is proposed, whose volumes and quantities are regulated from an awareness of use, since cutting trees For ña building it involves a detailed study of them, so the woods of chonta, pambil and colorado, are the pillars of the implantation of the project, Pambil plant is used in a central way, that is, the central structure of the project, connection with the ground, the chonta as structuring elements of the roof and closure, as well as the roofs made with interlocking chonta.

· Spatiality: Spatiality acquires an important meaning, since the maloca or jéa, focuses on the transmission of knowledge in centralizing activities, the proposed project defends the idea of centralizing and differentiating the levels of construction, but differentiating it with the strategic manipulation of the topography, this manipulation allows profiling and modeling the soil at your convenience since the privacy of the architectural spaces was not achieved by forced closures.The plant of the maloca, articulates two axes north south and east west with an inner circle that becomes the place of the rite and the execution of the ancestral practices of ayahuasca, purification and socialization, the 4 corners are differentiated spaces for man and the woman.

Figure 2. Malocas Single Floor Design: Huaraca, Diego Architecture

The dimensions require a predetermined area based on a circle 17 m in diameter and 12 m high, so the project is developed respecting these conditions, and maintaining a contemporary language based on the understanding and abstraction of the traditional maloca

Figure 3. Cross cut Design: Huaraca, Diego Architecture

Figure 4. Front view and elevation Design: Huaraca, Diego Architecture

Foundations: 4 pambil pillars of 25 to 30 cm in diameter 12 m high

Peripheral structure: 14 chonta pillars of 20 cm in diameter, 6 of 10m high and 8 of 3m high.

Enclosures: woven bamboo, 8 6x3 panels and 2 3x3 panels

Roofing: 38 panels of recycled plywood 1.22x2.44 and 113m2 of woven chonta

Plants

The plant of the maloca, articulates two axes north south and east west with an inner circle that becomes the place of the rite and the execution of the ancestral practices of ayahuasca, purification and socialization, the 4 corners are differentiated spaces for men and women.

Below is the analysis and systematization of information corresponding to the ethnobotany of the Shuar community. The interviews were conducted on 150 people, aged between 18 and 65. According to the respondents, 100% stated that within their facilities the ancestral knowledge of culture is practiced and demonstrated to the public as well as the total number of people surveyed 50% maintains that if ancestral rituals are practiced within the establishment to the public, in turn the other 50% maintain that they do not know or claim that such rituals are not performed and finally of the people surveyed 75% fully agree that the creation of an information magazine will incentivize and improve the influx of tourists to the 25% believe that the design of the magazine will not help the establishment in much.

In total, the Shuar indigenous community reports extensive knowledge about plants and animals. Of the 10 plant species reported as medicinal ayahuasca or Natem en shuar is the most representative, being a product highlighted within their traditional system as reported and some plants such as Pambil is used for built malocas or ancestral houses (Acosta and Zoria, 2012).

With regard to medicinal plant species, there is only one coincidence with what is reported by (Quintana, 2012) for the Colombian Tikuna community of Macedonia, which is the case of the species Eleutherine bulbosa, (Yahuar piripiri) although they differ in the part used and in traditional use. There is also a match to the genera, Uncaria (cat's nail) but they differ in their traditional use.

According to this study, most plants that indigenous people know and use in the Shuar community is for food, cure of their diseases and for the construction of their homes. It is important to note that the main conditions that cure with medicinal plants are cough, asthma, infections, malaria, fevers, influenza, arthritis and as a disinfectant.

It has been noted that the Shuar currently do not rely only on the forest for the supply of medicinal plants but cultivate it in their chakras and orchards as well as a source of tourism or ecotourism within the community.

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